How Media Shapes Public Opinion: Noam Chomsky's Critique of Modern Democracy

Are We Really Free to Think? Chomsky Questions Media Power.

By AHMED NOOR

Most people believe that the media exists to inform the public, present facts, and hold those in power accountable. However, political thinker and linguist Noam Chomsky challenges this common belief. In his writings, especially Media Control and Manufacturing Consent (co-authored with Edward S. Herman), Chomsky argues that mainstream media often serves powerful political and economic interests rather than the public.

According to Chomsky, modern democracies do not usually control people through force. Instead, they influence what people think through media, advertising, public relations, and carefully managed information. He famously said, "Propaganda is to a democracy what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state." In other words, while dictators rely on violence, democratic societies often depend on persuasion and information control.

They argue  that modern democracies often create the illusion of freedom, while real power remains concentrated among elites—political leaders, corporations, and media organizations. These  powerful groups influence public opinion in ways that protect their own interests. Drawing on the ideas of journalist Walter Lippmann, Chomsky explains that society is often divided into two groups. The first is the "specialized class," which includes politicians, corporate leaders, experts, and media managers. The second group is the general public, whom Lippmann called the "bewildered herd." While the specialized class makes important decisions, ordinary citizens are largely expected to remain spectators.

In  such a system, people are encouraged to participate only during elections. After casting their votes, they are expected to leave decision-making to those in power. He warns that democracy becomes weaker when citizens stop actively participating in public affairs.

The  media does not simply report reality—it helps create a particular version of reality. The stories that receive constant coverage become important public issues, while stories that are ignored often disappear from public discussion. Through this process, media organizations can influence both what people think about and how they think about it.

One of Chomsky's central arguments is that large media companies are businesses. Their survival depends on advertising revenue and maintaining good relationships with political and corporate elites.

The real product of commercial media is not news but audiences. Media companies attract viewers, readers, and listeners and then sell their attention to advertisers. News and entertainment are used to keep people engaged so that advertisers can reach them more effectively. The audience becomes the real product being sold, while news serves as a means to attract and retain that audience.

The authors argue that journalists depend heavily on information supplied by governments, corporations, and think tanks. Since media organisations cannot have reporters everywhere, they often rely on official sources. As a result, the perspectives of powerful institutions are frequently presented as objective facts, while alternative viewpoints receive less attention.

The authors introduced the concept of "worthy" and "unworthy" victims. They argued that the media does not treat all victims equally. Some victims receive extensive media attention, while others are largely ignored. People harmed by countries considered enemies often receive widespread coverage, public sympathy, and strong condemnation. Their stories are highlighted because they support prevailing political narratives. Meanwhile, victims harmed by friendly governments or allies may receive much less attention, even when their suffering is equally severe. This selective coverage influences who the public sympathizes with and which issues it considers important.

  The book argues that media can gradually create public support for government policies by repeatedly presenting certain viewpoints while excluding others. People may believe they are freely forming opinions when, in reality, the range of information available to them has already been filtered.

The media often allows debate on small issues but discourages people from questioning the bigger system. People are free to argue, but only within boundaries that are considered acceptable.

Chomsky also discusses the role of repetition in shaping public opinion. When a particular story, slogan, or narrative is repeated continuously across television channels, newspapers, websites, and social media, it begins to appear as common sense. Repetition creates familiarity, and familiarity often leads to acceptance. As a result, ideas that may be misleading or inaccurate can gradually come to be accepted as truth.

The authors warn that emotionally powerful slogans can discourage critical thinking. Such slogans may generate strong emotional responses while preventing deeper discussion about government policies. People may agree with the slogan without carefully examining the actions being carried out in its name.

Chomsky further argues that silence can be as powerful as reporting. If major media organizations ignore a subject, many citizens may never learn about it. If the media remains silent on a particular issue or wrongdoing, that silence may indirectly encourage such actions to continue.

Entertainment, he argues, can also play a role in maintaining public passivity. Constant exposure to celebrity gossip, sports controversies, reality television, and endless online distractions can reduce public attention to serious political and social issues. People may become highly informed about entertainment while remaining uninformed about decisions that affect their daily lives.

Media organizations that challenge powerful interests often face what Chomsky calls "flak"—complaints, lawsuits, political pressure, advertiser boycotts, and public attacks. This pressure can encourage self-censorship, making journalists less willing to investigate controversial topics.

Chomsky does not claim that journalists deliberately lie or that every news report is false. Rather, he argues that bias is often built into the structure of the media system itself. Ownership patterns, dependence on advertising, reliance on official sources, and political pressures all influence what becomes news and what does not.

For Chomsky, the greatest danger is not government censorship but citizens accepting information without questioning it. A healthy democracy requires people to compare sources, examine evidence, question official narratives, and think critically about the information they receive.

Though the authors give several examples from U.S. policy, the book is relevant to many countries around the world.

Whether one agrees with the author  or not, his work raises important questions about the relationship between media, power, and democracy. His central message remains relevant today: citizens should not simply consume information. They should constantly ask who is telling the story, whose interests are being served, and what important facts might be missing from the discussion.

make video script in Roman UrduMost people believe that the media exists to inform the public, present facts, and hold those in power accountable. However, political thinker and linguist Noam Chomsky challenges this common belief. In his writings, especially Media Control and Manufacturing Consent (co-authored with Edward S. Herman), Chomsky argues that mainstream media often serves powerful political and economic interests rather than the public.

According to Chomsky, modern democracies do not usually control people through force. Instead, they influence what people think through media, advertising, public relations, and carefully managed information. He famously said, "Propaganda is to a democracy what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state." In other words, while dictators rely on violence, democratic societies often depend on persuasion and information control.

They argue  that modern democracies often create the illusion of freedom, while real power remains concentrated among elites—political leaders, corporations, and media organizations. These  powerful groups influence public opinion in ways that protect their own interests. Drawing on the ideas of journalist Walter Lippmann, Chomsky explains that society is often divided into two groups. The first is the "specialized class," which includes politicians, corporate leaders, experts, and media managers. The second group is the general public, whom Lippmann called the "bewildered herd." While the specialized class makes important decisions, ordinary citizens are largely expected to remain spectators.

In  such a system, people are encouraged to participate only during elections. After casting their votes, they are expected to leave decision-making to those in power. He warns that democracy becomes weaker when citizens stop actively participating in public affairs.

The  media does not simply report reality—it helps create a particular version of reality. The stories that receive constant coverage become important public issues, while stories that are ignored often disappear from public discussion. Through this process, media organizations can influence both what people think about and how they think about it.

One of Chomsky's central arguments is that large media companies are businesses. Their survival depends on advertising revenue and maintaining good relationships with political and corporate elites.

The real product of commercial media is not news but audiences. Media companies attract viewers, readers, and listeners and then sell their attention to advertisers. News and entertainment are used to keep people engaged so that advertisers can reach them more effectively. The audience becomes the real product being sold, while news serves as a means to attract and retain that audience.

The authors argue that journalists depend heavily on information supplied by governments, corporations, and think tanks. Since media organisations cannot have reporters everywhere, they often rely on official sources. As a result, the perspectives of powerful institutions are frequently presented as objective facts, while alternative viewpoints receive less attention.

The authors introduced the concept of "worthy" and "unworthy" victims. They argued that the media does not treat all victims equally. Some victims receive extensive media attention, while others are largely ignored. People harmed by countries considered enemies often receive widespread coverage, public sympathy, and strong condemnation. Their stories are highlighted because they support prevailing political narratives. Meanwhile, victims harmed by friendly governments or allies may receive much less attention, even when their suffering is equally severe. This selective coverage influences who the public sympathizes with and which issues it considers important.

  The book argues that media can gradually create public support for government policies by repeatedly presenting certain viewpoints while excluding others. People may believe they are freely forming opinions when, in reality, the range of information available to them has already been filtered.

The media often allows debate on small issues but discourages people from questioning the bigger system. People are free to argue, but only within boundaries that are considered acceptable.

Chomsky also discusses the role of repetition in shaping public opinion. When a particular story, slogan, or narrative is repeated continuously across television channels, newspapers, websites, and social media, it begins to appear as common sense. Repetition creates familiarity, and familiarity often leads to acceptance. As a result, ideas that may be misleading or inaccurate can gradually come to be accepted as truth.

The authors warn that emotionally powerful slogans can discourage critical thinking. Such slogans may generate strong emotional responses while preventing deeper discussion about government policies. People may agree with the slogan without carefully examining the actions being carried out in its name.

Chomsky further argues that silence can be as powerful as reporting. If major media organizations ignore a subject, many citizens may never learn about it. If the media remains silent on a particular issue or wrongdoing, that silence may indirectly encourage such actions to continue.

Entertainment, he argues, can also play a role in maintaining public passivity. Constant exposure to celebrity gossip, sports controversies, reality television, and endless online distractions can reduce public attention to serious political and social issues. People may become highly informed about entertainment while remaining uninformed about decisions that affect their daily lives.

Media organizations that challenge powerful interests often face what Chomsky calls "flak"—complaints, lawsuits, political pressure, advertiser boycotts, and public attacks. This pressure can encourage self-censorship, making journalists less willing to investigate controversial topics.

Chomsky does not claim that journalists deliberately lie or that every news report is false. Rather, he argues that bias is often built into the structure of the media system itself. Ownership patterns, dependence on advertising, reliance on official sources, and political pressures all influence what becomes news and what does not.

For Chomsky, the greatest danger is not government censorship but citizens accepting information without questioning it. A healthy democracy requires people to compare sources, examine evidence, question official narratives, and think critically about the information they receive.

Though the authors give several examples from U.S. policy, the book is relevant to many countries around the world.

Whether one agrees with the author  or not, his work raises important questions about the relationship between media, power, and democracy. His central message remains relevant today: citizens should not simply consume information. They should constantly ask who is telling the story, whose interests are being served, and what important facts might be missing from the discussion.

6000 Migrant Children in Jalna Given a New Lease on Life, Thanks to 450 'Balmitras' 

By AHMED NOOR

Children who once followed parents to sugarcane fields now staying back for education; UNICEF-supported initiative brings hope across 260 villages

Over 6,000 children from migrant families in 260 villages across Jalna district, who previously accompanied their parents to sugarcane fields and other labour-intensive workplaces, are now continuing their education—thanks to the tireless efforts of 450 dedicated Balmitras (Friends of Children).

This remarkable transformation has been made possible through a collaborative initiative supported by UNICEF, the Jalna District Administration, and local NGOs SACRED (Society for Action in Creative Education and Development) and Swaraj Gramin Vikas Pratishthan.

A Lifeline for the Most Vulnerable

These Balmitras, young volunteers aged between 18 and 25 from the same villages, have been working at the grassroots level for the past eight years. Their mission: to persuade seasonal migrant workers to leave their children under the care of grandparents or elder relatives, instead of taking them along to sugarcane farms, brick kilns, or construction sites.

“Seasonal migrant workers used to take their children with them in search of work, exposing them to harsh and unsafe living conditions,” said SACRED Secretary Ravi Kelgaonkar. “These children faced disruptions in schooling, malnutrition, poor healthcare, and were at risk of child labour, abuse, or early marriage.”

Kelgaonkar explained that Balmitras, with the support of Anganwadi workers and village sarpanchs, identify families likely to migrate, maintain data, and carry out door-to-door awareness drives. “Their success lies in building trust. They convince parents to prioritize their children's education and safety.”

Backed by Research and Training

A 2022 study titled “Protection of Children Affected by Seasonal Migration of Jalna district”, conducted in collaboration with the International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS), Mumbai, Government of Maharashtra, and UNICEF, highlights the multi-dimensional risks faced by children of migrant workers. Whether left behind or taken along, these children are highly vulnerable to school dropouts, neglect, abuse, child labour, and early marriage—especially girls.

To counter these issues, the district administration and UNICEF initiated the Balmitra project, focusing on training youth volunteers. Each Balmitra undergoes a specially designed two-day training programme developed by the Women and Child Development (WCD) department and UNICEF. The training equips them with leadership, communication, and outreach skills needed to interact effectively with families.

Selfless Service, Community Recognition

‘Notably, Balmitras receive no remuneration for their work. Yet, their commitment has made them respected figures in their villages. Many have gone on to become sarpanchs, Anganwadi workers, or leaders in their communities”Kelegaonkar.

To engage children, Balmitras also conduct sports sessions before and after school, using sports equipment provided by UNICEF to 250 schools in the district. “This helps bring children closer to the classroom and builds their interest in school,” Kelgaonkar noted.

He also pointed out a critical social issue in sugarcane communities—early marriages. “Couples are often offered higher wages if they work together, prompting child marriages. Balmitras raise awareness about the dangers and legal consequences of such practices,” he said.

Recognition at the District Level

In recognition of their tireless work, Jalna District Collector Dr. Shrikrishna Panchal felicitated the Balmitras at a programme held at the collectorate on Thursday. “The efforts of Balmitras in securing education and safety for children who were previously deprived of their basic rights is highly commendable,” Dr Panchal said.

Also present at the event was Alpa Vora, Consultant of Child Protection at UNICEF, who praised the initiative. “The strength of any society is measured by how it protects and nurtures its children. Balmitras are setting a benchmark in grassroots child protection,” she said.

What began as a small community-driven movement has now blossomed into a powerful example of how collective action can restore lost childhoods. The Balmitras of Jalna are not just friends to children — they are their guardians, educators, and beacons of hope in a challenging world

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Aurangzeb’s Tomb Controversy: History, Politics, and Ideological Battles in Maharashtra

AHMED NOOR QURESHI

"History is an aggregate of half-truths, semi-truths, fables, myths, rumors, prejudices, personal narratives, gossip, and official prevarications. It is a canvas upon which thousands of artists throughout the ages have splashed their conceptions and interpretations of a day and an era." – Philip D. Jordan, American Historian (1903-1980).

History is often shaped by perspectives, biases, and political agendas, as reflected in the ongoing controversy over the tomb of Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb in Khuldabad, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar district, Maharashtra. The demand for its removal has intensified, with political and ideological groups debating its historical significance and contemporary relevance.

The political discourse in Maharashtra has long portrayed Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and his son, Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, as heroic figures, while Muslim rulers, particularly Aurangzeb, are often depicted as villans. The controversy gained momentum when BJP leaders and right-wing groups called for the tomb’s removal. Satara MP Udayanraje Bhosale, a descendant of Shivaji Maharaj, has been vocal in advocating for its demolition. Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has supported the sentiment but emphasized that any action must comply with legal provisions, as the site is protected under the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI).

"We all want the same thing, but you need to do it within the framework of the law because it is a protected site. The site was placed under ASI's protection during the Congress regime some years back," Fadnavis stated.

The issue resurfaced following the release of the historical action film Chhaava, directed by Laxman Utekar. Based on the life of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, the film has reignited discussions about Maratha history and the brutal execution of Sambhaji by Aurangzeb. While the film highlights Sambhaji's valor and administrative skills, critics argue that it has been leveraged by right-wing groups to push a divisive anti-Muslim narrative. Right-wing historians often frame Sambhaji’s battle against Aurangzeb as a Hindu-Muslim conflict, with his torture and execution symbolizing the ultimate sacrifice for Hinduism. The film’s release at a time of heightened communal tensions has further fueled ideological debates.

The political ramifications of the controversy deepened when Samajwadi Party MLA Abu Azmi was suspended from the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly for praising Aurangzeb. Azmi had called the Mughal ruler a "great administrator" and argued that history had misrepresented him.

Young historian Indrajit Sawant from Kolhapur has made a  claim regarding Sambhaji Maharaj’s capture. Traditionally, it was believed that landlord Ganoji Shirke betrayed Sambhaji by revealing his whereabouts to the Mughal general. However, Sawant, citing the diary of French governor François Martin, asserts that a Brahmin clerk leaked the information leading to Sambhaji’s arrest. According to Sawant, Annaji Datto’s family, responsible for revenue collection in Sangameshwar and Vasmat, had ties to Mughal general Shaikh Nijam, who ultimately captured Sambhaji. These revelations challenge the long-held narrative of betrayal within the Maratha ranks.

Vishwas Patil, historian and  author of Sambhaji, said  Sambhaji’s execution was  purely a result of religious persecution, or was it driven by political motives.  He said the execution of Sambhaji was not  for refusing to convert to Islam, Patil suggests that Aurangzeb's primary goal was not religious conversion but the consolidation of political control over Maharashtra.

American historian Audrey Truschke, in his book  Aurangzeb the Man and  Myth. She said “The Mughal-Maratha conflict was shaped by a craving for raw power that demanded strategic, shifting alliances. Shivaji welcomed Muslims within his army; he had qazis (Muslim judges) on his payroll, and Muslims ranked among some of his top commanders. Mughal alliances and the imperial army were similarly diverse, and Aurangzeb sent a Hindu, Jai Singh, to besiege Shivaji at Purandar”

The controversy continues to evolve, sharply dividing Maharashtra’s political landscape. While the ruling BJP and its allies advocate for the tomb’s removal, opposition parties argue that the issue is being used to stir communal tensions ahead of the upcoming self-government elections. Maratha reservation activist Manoj Jarange has questioned why the tomb issue has been raised just before the elections.

The debate over history, heritage, and political narratives surrounding Aurangzeb’s tomb remains a flashpoint in Maharashtra’s political discourse, highlighting how historical interpretations are often shaped by contemporary political objectives.

The Power of Information: A Look at Yuval Noah Harari’s "Nexus"

 The Power of Information: A Look at Yuval Noah Harari’s "Nexus"

By AHMED NOOR

Since the Stone Age, information has played a key role in shaping human lives. It connects people, controls societies, and helps us cooperate and organize. The stories we tell—whether myths, religious texts, or news—shape our understanding of life and how to live it. This is the main idea explored in historian Yuval Noah Harari’s latest book, Nexus: “A Brief History of Information Networks From the Stone Age to A.I.”

Harari, known for his previous books like Sapiens and Homo Deus, dives into the history of information networks and their power over human societies. He examines how communication has evolved—from early religious myths to today’s advanced technologies like Artificial Intelligence (AI). Like Sapiens, Nexus is a lengthy and challenging read. At over 500 pages, Nexus rambles on about the history of bureaucracies, the differences between democracy and totalitarianism, and the fallibility of religious text.

Ancient Information Networks

Harari explains how religious texts were some of the earliest forms of mass communication. These stories, even if unscientific, helped unite large populations. They created shared beliefs and values, which brought people together. However, Harari points out that information does not always tell the truth. It often leads to fiction, fantasies, and mass delusions, which can shape societies in good or bad ways.

Every smartphone today holds more information than the ancient Library of Alexandria and allows its user to instantly connect with billions of people worldwide. However, despite all this information moving so quickly, humanity is now closer than ever to destroying itself.

This is because many of our systems are built and maintained through false stories, fantasies, and widespread misunderstandings—ranging from magical tales to financial systems. The real issue we face is how our networks share and handle information. Information connects people and systems, but when people receive false or bad information, they tend to make poor decisions, no matter how smart or kind they are.

The Control of Information

Throughout history, priests, leaders, poets, and politicians have used information to influence people and maintain power. Now, with AI, computers are learning to do the same. Harari highlights that information networks—whether in democracies or dictatorships—are powerful tools. He said Dictatorships aim to control and centralize information through propaganda and censorship while Democracies, on the other hand, promote free and open communication. Citizens are encouraged to question and correct false information.

Threat AI

Harari argues that AI could make totalitarian regimes more dangerous. With tools like surveillance and data control, dictatorships could gain immense power. He imagines how much worse life would have been under Stalin, for example, if social media and AI had existed. In democracies, AI and social media have also caused problems. Platforms like Facebook and Twitter are designed to grab attention, often by spreading extreme or false content. This polarizes societies and makes meaningful conversations difficult.

 

 

However, modern challenges like AI and social media are changing this balance. Harari warns that digital platforms, driven by algorithms, often spread misinformation. They create "echo chambers" where people only hear opinions that match their own, leading to more division and less rational debate.

Harari sees AI as a double-edged sword. While it brings many benefits, it also creates risks. He calls humans the "smartest and stupidest animals" because, despite our intelligence, we often fail to foresee the dangers of our creations. Fake news and propaganda, he says, now aim to create emotional reactions—like fear and hatred—which can divide societies even further.

AI is a unique and serious threat to humanity because, for the first time, a technology can make decisions and create new ideas on its own. In the past, every invention gave humans more power, but humans still controlled how those tools were used. For example, nuclear bombs cannot decide whom to attack, nor can they improve themselves or invent stronger bombs.

However, AI is different. Autonomous drones can decide on their own whom to target, and AI systems can design new types of bombs, create advanced military strategies, and even improve other AIs. This means AI is not just a tool—it acts like an independent agent.

The biggest danger of AI is that we are bringing into the world powerful new systems that may become more intelligent and creative than humans. The problem is, we don’t fully understand them, and we don’t have complete control over them.

A Historical Lesson for the Future

At the end of Nexus, Harari gives a powerful message. He reminds readers of the 1955 Russell-Einstein Manifesto, which urged world leaders to prevent nuclear war. Today, Harari believes this message applies to AI as well. He appeals to humanity to control these technologies before they control us.

In Nexus, Harari blends history, technology, and philosophy to show the power of information networks. He warns that if we don’t manage these systems wisely, we risk being controlled by them.

The future of humanity, according to Harari, depends on how we handle the flow of information. By learning from history and taking responsibility, we can ensure a better, safer world.

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Struggles and Setbacks: The Quest for Muslim Political Empowerment in India

  

Struggles and Setbacks: The Quest for Muslim Political Empowerment in India

 

By Ahmed Noor Qureshi

 "Political power is the master key by which you can open all the doors of progress." 

—B.R. Ambedkar

 The political empowerment of Indian Muslims has been a subject of debate for decades, raising the question of whether the community needs its own political party or greater representation in Parliament and Assemblies to address its unique challenges.

Political power is seen as a tool to improve people's lives, but an imbalance in political power leads to economic inequality.

Historical Context and the Legacy of the Muslim League

Before India's independence, the All India Muslim League was established with the aim of securing political rights and empowerment for Muslims. However, the party's trajectory took a dramatic turn when it demanded the creation of Pakistan, leading to the partition of India in 1947. This event had profound implications for Muslims on both sides of the border, with Indian Muslims bearing the brunt of the division. After partition, the Muslim League was rebranded as the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), but its influence has since been largely confined to Kerala. Despite internal divisions and leadership challenges, the IUML continues to hold some sway in Kerala, where it currently has three Members of Parliament (MPs) and 15 members in the state assembly.

Post-Independence Efforts: Regional and National Parties

Following independence, several attempts were made to create Muslim-centric political parties, but most of these efforts have remained regionally focused and have had limited impact on national politics. In 1989, the Insaf Party was founded by Syed Shahabuddin, but it was dissolved just a year later. In Uttar Pradesh, the Peace Party (PECP) and the Rashtriya Ulama Council emerged as regional entities, while the Welfare Party of India was established by Jamaat-e-Islami Hind in 2011. However, these parties have not managed to gain significant traction beyond local and regional bodies.

In Jammu and Kashmir, parties like the Jammu & Kashmir National Conference (NC), Jammu & Kashmir National Panthers Party (JKNPP), and Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have maintained a stronghold in the state, reflecting the unique political dynamics of the region. The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) has established itself as a formidable force in Hyderabad, while the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) has made inroads in Assam. The Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, along with Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam (TMMK) and Manithaneya Makkal Katchi, are other examples of regional Muslim parties.

 The Dwindling Representation of Muslims in Parliament

 Muslims are the largest minority group in India, constituting approximately 14% of the population, or around 183 million people. Despite this significant demographic presence, their representation in the Indian Parliament has remained below 5%. In the 2019 elections, political parties fielded 78 Muslim candidates, with 26 Muslims ultimately being elected.

Party Name	Number of MPs Elected
Congress Party	7
All India Trinamool Congress	5
Samajwadi Party	4
Indian Union Muslim League	3
National Conference (Jammu and Kashmir)	2
All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen	1
Independent	2
Total	24

 

The Challenge of Muslim Political Empowerment.

 The peak of Muslim representation in the Lok Sabha came in 1980, with 49 MPs, but this number has been steadily declining. The rise of Hindu nationalism and the political dominance of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have contributed to this decline, as many national parties have shied away from fielding Muslim candidates for fear of electoral backlash.

The BJP's rise to power has further complicated the prospects for Muslim political empowerment. The party's strategy of divisive politics has marginalized Muslim voices, making them increasingly "untouchable" for many secular parties. These parties, in turn, have become reluctant to nominate Muslim candidates, fearing it might hurt their electoral prospects.

 Despite this, Muslims have played a crucial role in certain electoral contexts, supporting secular parties such as the Yadav-Muslim (YM) alliance in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, and the Maratha-Muslim-Dalit alliance in Maharashtra, which have managed to challenge the BJP's dominance.

 In 2024  the Lok Sabha elections showed that the community voted strategically to strengthen the INDIA bloc, ensuring its vote share was not diluted by other parties that are mostly spoilers.

However, the idea of a purely Muslim political party at the national level has struggled to gain traction. In many cases, these parties have ended up dividing the secular vote, inadvertently benefiting the BJP.

 Conclusion: A Fragmented Future

 The quest for Muslim political empowerment through the formation of dedicated Muslim parties has been fraught with challenges. While regional parties have achieved some success in areas with a significant Muslim population, the broader goal of national representation remains elusive. The declining representation of Muslims in Parliament underscores the need for a re-evaluation of strategies to ensure that the community's voices are heard in the corridors of power. As the political landscape evolves, the future of Muslim political representation in India remains uncertain, with the community facing the dual challenge of marginalization and the need for unity in an increasingly polarized environment.

 -Ahmed Noor Qureshi is a senior journalist. Email-  noorahmed2006@rediffmail.com

How to boost memory -Tips for enhanced recall, Written by AHMED NOOR QURESHI

 How to Boost Memory: Tips for Enhanced Recall

By AHMED NOOR QURESHI

 Many students grapple with forgetfulness and struggle to retain information learned in class or recall it during exams. The strength of one's memory can significantly impact academic success. In this article, we explore the concept of memory and provide practical tips to enhance and cultivate this cognitive ability.

Understanding Memory: Memory is the capacity to store and retrieve data and information. Fortunately, memory can be improved through deliberate efforts and practices.

Tips for Improving Memory:

1.       Attention: Attention is a crucial factor in memory enhancement. Inattentiveness is often associated with poor memory. It is essential to focus on the task at hand, directing all energy and concentration to the subject matter. Just like a magnifying glass focusing sunlight to create a fire, paying attention ensures that all mental energy is concentrated on the material being studied.

Lack of interest can lead to a lack of attention and concentration. To address this, cultivate a genuine interest in the subject matter. Develop a burning desire and will to create interest, which ultimately leads to improved attention. Remember, genuine interest is a key factor in thorough retention.

2.       Association: The ability to link and remember relationships between seemingly unrelated items is a powerful memory enhancer. Memory is strengthened when facts are associated with familiar concepts. Understanding the topic and establishing connections between ideas is crucial for effective learning. Without comprehension, retention becomes challenging.

3.       Repetition: Repetition is a fundamental aspect of memory consolidation. Often referred to as the mother of learning, repetition involves reviewing and practicing information regularly. Engage in activities such as reviewing notes, practicing exercises from textbooks, discussing concepts with friends, and asking questions. These actions contribute to reinforcing learned material.

4.       Visualization: After reading a paragraph or section in a textbook, take a moment to stop and recite the information. Close your eyes and visualize the material, creating a mental image of what you've learned. Utilize all your senses—sight, hearing, taste, touch, and smell—to enhance the mental picture. Visualization aids in strengthening memory and improving recall.

By paying attention, associating information, embracing repetition, and employing visualization techniques, you can significantly enhance your memory. These tips, when applied consistently, can lead to improved retention and recall, ultimately contributing to academic success.

 

Anger: A Short Madness – Strategies for Overcoming it

 

Anger: A Short Madness – Strategies for Overcoming It

Top of Form

 

By AHMED NOOR

Anger, often referred to as the most negative of human emotions, is often likened to trying to navigate a ship in a storm. This analogy highlights the turbulence and chaos that anger can introduce into one's life. Just as a storm can wreak havoc on a ship's course, anger can disrupt one's judgment and lead to destructive consequences. This notion aligns with the idea that people who succumb to rage often find themselves on a perilous course, rarely leading to positive outcomes. Anger blots out reason, notorious for clouding our judgment and blunting our ability to think rationally. Reacting in anger rarely results in productive resolutions; instead, it tends to escalate conflicts. Hurtful remarks spoken in the heat of the moment can leave emotional scars that may never fully heal. In the heat of anger, we are prone to irrational actions and words that we later regret. It has been aptly described as a "short madness" that can momentarily overpower our logical thinking.

Buddha's teachings compare holding onto anger to grasping a hot coal with the intent of throwing it at someone else; in the end, it is the one holding the coal who gets burned. Recognizing the destructive nature of anger is the first step toward transcending it. A common piece of advice is to postpone today's anger until tomorrow. This wisdom suggests that anger seldom yields positive results and is often better left for another time. Postponing anger allows one to cool off and approach the situation with a calmer perspective.

In the realm of spirituality, anger is often seen as the antithesis of empathy. Instead of venting anger onto those around us, spiritual teachings advocate for fostering empathy and compassion. Empathy involves understanding and sharing the feelings of others, which can lead to more harmonious relationships and conflict resolution.

Deep breathing exercises and relaxation techniques can help calm the physiological responses that accompany anger. These practices enable individuals to regain control over their emotions and respond more mindfully to challenging situations.

Some of the most profound insights on anger come from spiritual leaders and philosophers. Thich Nhat Hanh, a Vietnamese Zen Buddhist monk, suggests that when anger arises, one should turn their focus to their breath. This mindfulness practice helps individuals detach from their anger and regain emotional equilibrium.

 Silence is revered as the best response to anger. Responding with silence allows individuals to avoid escalating conflicts and, instead, creates space for reflection and understanding. Zen Master Dogen said ‘If you can keep your mouth as silent as your nose, you will avoid a lots of trouble’. Ali Ibn Abu Talib said ‘A moment of Patience in a moment of Anger saves a thousand moments of Regret.